Edited byJan Charvat
and Anna Oravcova
OUT OF STEP
Politics and Subcultures
in the Post-Socialist Space
e d i c e bod
OUT OF STEP
Politics and Subcultures
in the Post-Socialist Space
Edited by Jan Charvát
and Anna Oravcová
OUT OF STEP
Politics and Subcultures in the Post-Socialist Space
Edited byJan Charvát and Anna Oravcová
Copyright © Dokořán, 2021
Copyright © Martina Čichá, Ondřej Daniel, Jan Charvát, Marta Kolářová,
Giuseppe Maiello, Diana Elena Neaga, Valentin Nicolescu, Anna Oravcová,
Grzegorz Piotrowski, Michaela Pixová, Ondřej Slačálek, 2021
Photos © Český a slovenský archiv subkultur, Vlasta Henych, Jan Charvát,
ChuckDiesal Photography, Marta Kolářová, Giuseppe Mailello,
Grzegorz Piotrowski, 2021
Všechna práva vyhrazena. Žádná část této publikace nesmí být
rozmnožována a rozšiřována jakýmkoli způsobem
bez předchozího písemného svolení nakladatele.
Druhé vydání v anglickém jazyce (první elektronické).
Odpovědný redaktor Marek Pečenka.
Jazyková redakce Bradley McGregor a Valerie Talacko.
Fotografie Český a slovenský archiv subkultur, Vlasta Henych,
Jan Charvát, ChuckDiesal Photography, Marta Kolářová,
Giuseppe Maiello, Grzegorz Piotrowski.
Obálka, grafická úprava a sazba David Greguš.
Konverze do elektronické podoby Michal Puhač.
Recenzovali Mgr. Jan Samánek a PhDr. Pavla Jonssonová, Ph.D.
Vydalo v roce 2021 nakladatelství Dokořán, s. r. o., Holečkova 9, Praha 5,
dokoran@dokoran.cz, www.dokoran.cz,
jako svou 1 146. publikaci (378. elektronická).
ISBN 978-80-7675-054-8
Table of Contents
Introduction 7
Post-Subcultures in Post-Socialism: Transnational and Local Contexts
of Czech Youth Music Subcultures (Marta Kolářová) 13
Tough Love: The Interplay between Independent Music Scenes
and Radical Libertarian Left-Wing Movements (Grzegorz Piotrowski) 41
An Italian HC Frontman Melded
into Czechoslovakia (Giuseppe Maiello and Martina Čichá) 59
Nazism as a Mode of Transgression:
Politicization of Post-socialist Czech and Slovak
Black Metal (Ondřej Daniel) 75
Formation of a Racist Skinhead Identity:
Analysing the Lyrics of Czech White Power Bands (Jan Charvát) 89
When 'Likes' Are Not Enough:
Political Rap and Hip-Hop Activism (Anna Oravcová) 119
Subculture as Heritage? The Myth of the 'Golden Age'
in Czech Underground, Punk and Rave
(Michaela Pixová and Ondřej Slačálek) 143
Sounds of the Underprivileged: The Case of Romania's Manele
(Valentin Nicolescu and Diana Elena Neaga) 177
Out of Step 205
References 215
Other sources 231
Contributors 237
Summary 241
Index 243
An Italian HC Frontman Melded
into Czechoslovakia
GiuseppeMaiello andMartina Cichd
Carlo Levi, Simon Wiesenthal, Arnost Lustig, Varlam Shalamov,
and many others seem to suggest to us that certain experiences
are impossible to transmit. Marshall McLuhan and many others
then taught us that our world remains ours for our whole lives.
There is therefore no doubt that such a specific narrative, despite
all our efforts, can ever be fully transferred in all its meaning.
However, it can represent not only another of the many case
studies of modern qualitative research, but also an important
element in the reconstruction of the transfer of experience between
Western subcultures and those which are now defined as
'post-socialist'.
Hardcore punk ( H C ) is a well known radical form of punk
rock, characterized by the speed of its execution and political
texts, ranging from pacifist anarchism, insurgency, and even
reaching (in the Italian case) autonomist Marxism as well. The
deep roots of H C are from the Southern California punk scene,5
but like the speed of its rhythms, H C soon reached England in
the early eighties before spreading to the rest of Europe.
Italian hardcore has its 'founding myth': on 1 June 1980 (Nozza
2011), the British punk band The Clash was booed in the city
of Bologna, where it had come to play by invitation of the Italian
Communist Party. The Clash are defined without mincing words
as 'whores', not only for having accepted the invitation of the
city administration, firmly in the hands of the Communist Party,
but, indeed, also for having signed a contract with the U S multinational
label C B S (see interview with Helena Velena in Ras-
5 In the first complete book dealing directly with Californian HC, the authors
define San Francisco and Los Angeles punks as 'anti-institutional' in their essence
(Belsito and Davis 1983: 7). According to Steven Blush (2001: 18), the
term HC refers to 'an extreme: the most absolute Punk'. Both definitions are
also well accepted by us.
59
telli 2005). The spokesman of the Bolognese punks, Giampaolo
Giorgetti, well known at that time as Jumpy Velena and today as
the transwoman Helena Velena, referred to the second record of
Crass, the English anarcho-pacifist punk band that had harshly
attacked The Clash because of their lack of political coherence:6
At that time, I was just moving away from the freak (hippy) aesthetics.
It happens in an instant—you read a culture or a music magazine
and understand that people who once represented a political and cultural
vanguard have now sold out to the system. So, you decide to follow
new wave as quickly as possible. The occasion was one of the first
new wave concerts in my town. I decided to cut my long hair. When I
arrived at the concert, all my friends thought I had gone crazy. Someone
asked me, 'did you become a fascist?' just because I had cut my
long hair. (Interview with Pippo, Olomouc, 27 April 2016)
Pippo,7
the future Underage lead singer, had already been politically
active for seven years at that time, with a militancy called,
from the emic perspective, the revolutionary left—or extreme left
politics, as it is generally called (Cosseron 2007: 20).
The end of the seventies used to be called 'Ebb Tide' in Italy. The
revolutionary wave was dying, and the music offered little consolation.
(Interview with Pippo, Olomouc, 27 April 2016)
It is clear that in such a situation, new wave music was still insufficient
to express the new desires of the spontaneous subjectivities
which emerged from the clashes between demonstrators and
6 The text of the Crass song entitled 'White Punks On Hope' starts with the
following words: 'They said that we were trash, well the name is Crass, not Clash
/They can stuff their punk credentials 'cause it's them that take the cash' (Crass
1979).
7 'Pippo' was, at that time, the nickname of one of the authors of the present
chapter. Because the interviews were led by the second author, we do not consider
our contribution as a typical example of autoethnography.
60
\0 \co {Coo
AoToPROtiUZiom
Aesthetic of Punk (Giuseppe Maiello)
61
police in the years 1976-79,8
even under circumstances when new
wave, in the beginning, had staked out a distinctly alternative position
to other musical genres, acquiring much of the first wave of
seventies' punk rock (Gendron 2002: 269-270).
In order to plunge himself into H C , Pippo only needed the
right opportunity. This supervened on 8 October 1981, when Jello
Biafra's Dead Kennedys from California came to Rome for a public
performance.
In the middle of the gig, during a break, I met a guy from my city
who was putting together a hardcore band. We swapped phone numbers
with the hope that one day we would meet each other. (Interview
with Pippo, Olomouc, 27 April 2016)
The band was actually formed within a few weeks and was named
Underage, 'the first Neapolitan punk band and one of the first in
Italy (Torre 2013: 15). However, Pippo only joined it in August
1982, contributing even more to the radicalization, in a political
sense, of the texts and activities of the band (see Morgera 2018).
Thanks to Underage, I could once again be fully involved in politics
but on a completely new level. I was able to find very radicalized political
subjects who could, unlike the comrades of previous years, manifest
their revolt not only in political acts but also in individual acts. The
personal had finally become political, and I was in it up to my neck!
(Interview with Pippo, Olomouc, 28 April 2016)
The Italian punk movement of the early 1980s was highly politicized
and much influenced in its manner of creation by autonomism,
which was, at that time, in the process of a net decrease.9
Be-
8 More recently, Toni Negri, opening a remote discussion with Ernesto Laclau,
posed the question as to whether social subjectivities are able to organize themselves
spontaneously or whether they should be organized (Negri 2015).
9 The roots of autonomism are from early sixties Italy. The golden age of worker's
autonomy, as autonomism was called at that time, was in the second half of
the seventies when students, workers, and other precarious social subjects were
62
sides fanzines, where musical and political discussions mingled,
punks began to occupy uninhabited buildings and build autonomous
social centres based on the Berlin model, especially in the
cities of northern Italy. The most famous of these was Virus, established
in February 1982 at Via Correggio 18 in Milan, which, after
several forced evictions and displacements, permanently ceased its
activities in 1987.
The occupants of Virus, in collaboration with a group of young
filmmakers from an experimental audiovisual school, managed to
make a 16mm documentary film that was disseminated widely—
before the Internet era—thanks to V H S cassette copies. This was
one of the main visual and audio documents that helped to spread
the idea of punk participation in the squatting movement (Virus
1982), an idea that is well-established across Europe today, including
central 'post-socialist' Europe.
Starting with the so-called SpringOffensive, which was a festival of
Italian H C held in April 1982 in Virus, the whole of northern Italy
became a continuous swarm of concerts and squatting attempts,
accompanied by repressive action by the police. O n 1 August 1982,
in the Dolomite village of Lentiai after a night of hardcore music,
the leading figures of Italian punk held a meeting at which it was
decided to create a fanzine that would cover the entire Italian peninsula.
The fanzine, called Punkaminazione, represented 'the first and
unique example of the punk network pre-internet' in Italy (Nozza
2011) after its first issue release in September 1982.
In the same year, another H C fanzine was founded in San Francisco,
called Maximumrocknroll (abbreviated as M R R ) , which spread
throughout the Western world as it was written in English. The
fanzine paid particular attention to the Italian scene, which was
considered a source of inspiration not only for European but also
American musical and political groups.1 0
able to stand up to the repressive apparatus of the State. For a history of European
autonomism in the English language, see Katsiaficas (2006).
10 Underage were, for example, included in the MRR 'play list' with other
groups such as Agnostic Front, Crucifix, The Exploited, Icons of Filth, One
Way System, Reality Control, and Mayhem. The reviewer defined Underage
63
Alongside these initiatives, however, Italian punks began to
also participate in marches and street demonstrations, in some
cases becoming the main protagonists; as was the case in the
attempted occupation of the Comiso military base in Sicily in
July of 1983.1 1
At Comiso, I met the Crass, who had come to help out against the
Americans. I saw my old friends from Virus there and saved Alfredo
Bonanno's skin when he fled the police charge, dragging him inside a
camper van belonging to the French T V crew. The crew made a report
on our entire event, but the journalist who was driving, Patrick Zerbib,
was severely beaten by the police during the charge. Something
was saved, including a video interview with me.1 2
1 never saw Patrick
or his sister Corinne again. They came out with various bruises. The
evening before the police charge, some masked guys also came to our
house and shot at us with a 7.65 calibre gun. The matter, however, was
very strange because there was a lot of fear but no injuries, so many
then suspected that the same Bonanno organized the staging of it.
Maybe just to create a media case and/or to galvanize us. But I never
believed in these types of hidden tactics. I have seen Czech politicians
using the same hidden tactics, although not in the extreme way of
the Sicilians—shooting at you . . . (Interview with Pippo, Olomouc,
5 March 2016)
using these words: 'The most applicable adjectives here are rhythmic, savage
and raw. This is mainly a fast-paced thrash which is driven by steady drumming
and topped off with a totally fuzzed-out guitar and insistent, intense singing.
The Underage are an anarchist band and, judging from this, have an abundance
of commitment. Excellent' (Yohannon 1983).
11 This attempt was organized in a very clumsy way by the well known theorist
of contemporary insurrectionary anarchism, Alfredo M . Bonanno. A written
testimony of the Comiso events and of the police brutality against the demonstrators
was reported by the German journalist Michael Sontheimer (1984).
Other testimonies of Comiso have been collected in Costrettiasanguinare, an autobiographical
novel created in 1997 by Marco Philopat, a founder of Virus in
Milan (Philopat 1997).
12 This is the documentary film Punks-Spaguettis, released in French in 1989 (Zerbib
and Zerbib 1989).
64
<Nno<i i
AlP |f ?
NON rA$AK= + >l*2000
2U
^|4=
The cover of Underage Cassette (Giuseppe Maiello)
65
The summer of 1983 is also the first time that Pippo visited
Czechoslovakia, just after the demonstrations at Comiso. His way
of dealing with things was still imbued with anarchism but also
with strong and fresh memories of autonomist Marxism.1 3
The autonomists
denoted states that, at that time, were called 'socialist'
with various terminologies seeking to emphasize the fact that these
states did not have anything to do with socialism, and much less so
with communism. One of the terms used to define the economic
and political system of these countries was 'state capitalism'. It was
thus assumed to be a kind of leftist criticism that had been elaborated
in detail by Amadeo Bordiga (see, for example, Bordiga 1966).
The criticism from the left of regimes which called themselves 'socialist'
had always been very limited because of the predominant
role of the communist parties derived from the Third International
within the European left. Instead, in Czechoslovakia, the most
visible was a kind of lesser intellectual criticism, supported by the
United States and European anti-communism parties. This type of
political position continued to thrive even after 1989, crystallizing
into what is defined today in various sectors on the Czech left as
'primitive anti-communism'..1 4
In August 1983, I spent three weeks in Brno and two weekends
in Prague. In Brno, I could not find even one single punk. The only
ones who considered themselves alternative radicals were the guys
with long hair. I had extensive discussions with those few who spoke
English. I also tried to use my insufficient Russian and my very limited
knowledge of the Czech language. I could agree on some criticism
of their regimes. But, for me, it was annoying, the apology they were
13 A few days before the demonstration at Comiso, a red vinyl record by Underage
came out in Bologna. The spirit of autonomism of that time is strongly present
in the song 'Tre settembre'. The song recalled the Mafia murder of the Carabinieri
General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa. In March of 1980, he commanded an
anti-Red Brigades operation, in which four militants of these extremist organizations
were killed. A slogan borrowed from the autonomous demonstrations of that
time in Italy is quoted in the text of 'Tre settembre': 'Piombo haiseminato epiombo hai
ricevuto [You sow bullets, you gather bullets]' (Underage 1983).
14 Among those who also use this expression is the former leader of the Czech
Green Party Matěj Stropnický (see Hoření 2014).
66
making for the Western system. They spoke well even of the U S A
which, for a person of my generation, or at least of the social group
I had grown up in, was totally inconceivable. Similarly, for them it
was inconceivable when I explained that police in Italy attacked and
beat us just for the fact that we were dressed in a strange way. In
Prague, I began looking for the punks. I found them within a few
hours in a district called 'Kampa', where someone told me they used
to gather. The Prague punks still had the Sex Pistols style: studs on
faux leather jackets and pins in the mouth. None of them spoke any
language other than Czech, but they welcomed me amongst them
without any problems. It seemed to me that, somehow, they were
connected with the underworld of Wenceslas Square, because a girl
got a bunch of money from a porter at the Yalta Hotel and then paid
for our drinks for two days in a row. I think that their political views
were not very distinguished from those of the Brno hippies, but at
least the punks from Prague seemed to understand that Western
punks were also in radical opposition to their regimes. (Interview
with Pippo, Olomouc, 28 April 2016)
The heyday of Italian H C faded out after the first half of the
eighties. The autonomist Marxism, originally from Italy, had
spread in the meantime but took different, more libertarian
forms, especially in West Germany. The Berlin district of Kreuzberg,
which at the time was located on the eastern outskirts of the
western part of the city, was a swarm of self-managed centres and
occupied houses (squats). The Italian punks interacted with the
German punk scene through concerts and the exchange of experiences,
culminating in their participation at the II. Chaos tag (Chaos
Day) in Hannover on 2 August 1984..
Many Italian punks of that generation moved abroad, particularly
to England, Germany, or the United States. Our interviewee
chose Czechoslovakia, where the news coming from the Western
world was carefully filtered at that time and, often, distorted in an
extreme manner.
I was looking for a place geographically close to that in which my
67
family still lived but culturally distinct. Thanks to full immersion in
the Prague student world, my Czech improved visibly, in that I could
understand television programmes. But I was absolutely shocked by
the conduct of Czechoslovak television, when in a report about neoNazism
in Western Europe they showed images of punks and German
autonomists as if they were neo-Nazis. Crazy! I never understood if it
was ignorance or something designed to discredit the critical left. (Interview
with Pippo, Olomouc, 27 April 2016)
Meanwhile, despite this, a true British-style punk band had arisen
in Prague: Plexis P.M.1 5
It was 1985. O n one of my first nights, I was wandering through
Prague when I came across a group of punks. They looked at me and
wondered if I was a punk or not because, by that time, many of my extreme
aesthetic attributes were disappearing. I understood from their
crests what kind of groups they were inspired by. . . . I screamed out:
'The Exploited'. A n d then they answered in unison: 'Barmy Army!'
Among them was Peter Hošek and other members of Plexis. Then, in
Stará Lysá nad Labem, they invited me on the stage and I sang a song
by an Italian band with them as well.1 6
But then I stopped following
both their destinies and the destiny of punk in general. Finally, one
day I went to the coffee house Slavie, where the punks sat, and I gave
them some EPs (extended play records) by Italian H C groups. I remember
that the punks jumped on those vinyl records as if they were
starving cats. (Interview with Pippo, Olomouc, 28 April 2016)
At that time, there were other punk bands performing in Prague
such as Visací zámek, Tři sestry, and H N F of the Moravian town
of Jihlava.
15 According to the founder of Plexis P.M., the name came from some letters
included in the names of the British bands Sex Pistols and The Exploited. The
abbreviation P.M. meant Punk Music (Svítivý 1999; comp. Fuchs 2002: 46)
16 The episode is narrated by Filip Fuchs (52), who defines the event as 'one of
the most famous concerts in the history of Czech punk' (50). It was a concert
featuring rock bands held in the Czech village of Stará Lysá nad Labem on
6 September 1985.
68
I didn't use to go to punk performances, and I had no punk friends.
It seemed to me that the music was too mixed with a strange kind of
melody I called 'anti-socialist sad rock'. But the main problem for me
was the poor political commitment of Czech punks, which was limited
to the generic anti-communism style of Prague, but nothing more. . . .
(Interview with Pippo, Prague, 4 March 2018)
It was necessary to wait until the nineties to observe a radicalization
in the libertarian sense within the Czechs' antagonistic social
groups.
Before the revolution [in 1989] punks had made friends with Nazis,
in the Nazi skinhead sense. There were few Nazis in Czechoslovakia,
so they used to sit together with the punks in the pubs. (Interview with
Radka, Prague, 11 March 2018)
I remember that in the beginning the Communists saw punk as a positive
phenomenon, at least while it was confined just to England. Then, as
soon as the first punks appeared here, they reacted very harshly, although
with some delay because they were still slow, their ideologists, in their
decisions. I'm referring to an article published in the Bolshevik weekly,
Tribuna, sometime in 1983. (Interview with Véva, Prague, 11 March 2018)
The system's cultural turn to the right of the system, culminating
in the cited article published on 23 March 1983 and signed Jan
Krýzl1 7
(1983), had already been criticized at the time by music
critic Josef Vlček. Vlček, unlike the editors of Tribuna, emphasized
that punk and new wave were 'leftist' cultural forms. The weekly
Tribuna, however, d i d not publish the critical letters by Vlček,
which were thus published in the form of samizdat (Vlček 1983).
Only after 1988 did the communist ideologues try to reclaim punk,
and it was they who organized the concerts of punk and new wave
17 It was evidently a fictitious name; the true author of the article has never
been discovered (see Hartmann and Janouskovec 1993).
69
Punks and skins together in Prague shortly after the "Velvet revolution"
(Jan Charvát)
70
groups. It was evidently an instrumental thing to recover a part of the
youth. (Interview with Veva, Prague, 11 March 2018).
Shortly before 1989, leftist opposition to the authoritarian regime
of Czechoslovakia began to be more and more visible. This
opposition crystallized into a subject called Levá alternativa [Left
Alternative] that included Trotskyist-inspired personalities: former
members of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, left-liberals,
and anarchists. This complex path led a part of this opposition
to the discovery, in both the Czech and Slovak Republics, of late
seventies Italian autonomism (as a source of political inspiration).
But Czech autonomism started not as the result of a debate within
Marxists groups, but rather of a debate among anarchist groups
born in the year 1989, the year in which the authoritarian Czechoslovakian
regime collapsed1 8
One of the first anarchist journals was
called Autonomie, founded in 1991, although it seemed more to
have been inspired by the German autonomen. Another milestone
that would lead to the establishment of an autonomous group was
the year 1995, when the (Czechoslovak Anarchist Federation) was
founded. A little later, in 1996, a group called the Organizace revolučních
anarchistů - Solidarita (Organization of Revolutionary
Anarchists - Solidarita) (ORA-S) broke away from it. From the
beginning of the 21s t
century, ORA-S was considered within the
anarchist movement to be increasingly more of a communist organization
because of its high interest in workers' and industrial
unionism. ORA-S later declared itself to be a group inspired by
Georges Fontenis' Manifesto of Libertarian Communism (1953).1 9
In
18 For a brief history of anarchism in the Czech Republic, see, for example,
Václav Tomek and Ondřej Slačálek (2006) J a n Charvát (2007), or Martin Bastl
(2000).
19 In literature, the word 'libertarian communism' is sometimes translated in
the Czech language with libertinskýkomunismus as it was used in the sixties by the
Czech philosopher Robert Kalivoda (1968). We could not understand how this
error came to be made in the Czech language because the adjective libertinský
means libertine. It is as if the Czech anarcho-communists called themselves 'libertine
communists'. Sometimes, but less often, the term libertarianskýkomunismus is
used, which is the correct translation of the term libertarian communism.
71
2004, the ORA-S split into two parts. The one that still continues
to consider itself part of the anarchist movement took the name
Anarchokomunistická alternativa (Anarcho-communist Alternative)
(AKA). Those who remained in ORA-S soon after changed
its name to Koletivně proti kapitálu (Collectively Against Capital)
( K P K ) . Over the years, K P K has profiled itself more and more as
an autonomist collective with a strong intellectual tradition that
flows into the study of the historical texts of Italian autonomist
Marxism.
From the consulted texts,20
it seems that, at the beginning of the
first decade of the twenty-first century there was still considerable
confusion in the Czech Republic about the meaning of autonomism.
Above all, there was a lack of a theoretical basis and a lack of
knowledge of the political and intellectual situation in Italy from
1960s to 1980s. In any case, just before the end of the twentieth
century a strong, highly politicized punk scene began to form in
the Czech Republic too, seemingly retracing, without effectively
differentiating itself, the early 1980s Western H C scene. To discover
traces of the transfer of H C from the beginning of the eighties
and the current Czech anarcho-punk is almost impossible. In fact,
the question involves several generations of musicians and political
activists whose ages range between 15 and 56 years.
I understand that in the West there was anarchist punk, because
there was the capitalist system. We had to wait for capitalism to take
shape in order to understand punk as an expression of the anarchist
political movement. The only band of the eighties that still has my
respect is Plexis. Commercial bands, such as Visací zámek, no longer
have my respect and I do not follow them any more. (Interview with
Véva, Prague, 11 March 2018)
However, one of the many threads is represented by Underage,
as can be seen from this last witness:
20 Cf. mainly Petr Wohlmuth (Wohlmuth 1997) and Martin Bastl (2000).
72
In April 2009,1 saw a young punk in the street looking like a copy of
myself 25 years ago. He had the Underage logo sewn on his vest. I asked
him how old he was, and he told me he was born in 1986.1 pointed out
that Underage had split up three years before his birth. He replied that it
did not matter. I asked him if he knew the fate of the singer, and he told
me that maybe he had died or emigrated to the East. I smiled and told
him that I was alive. To him I looked like a ghost. Then I began to be
intrigued myself; I started to go to concerts and realized that it really was
just like before. What was imprinted in my youth had moved silently
everywhere, even to Central Europe, where I ran away in order to forget.
I discovered that C D copies of Underage were sold that we had never
printed, since digital technology did not exist then. In addition to the
concerts, there was always a flag that read—but why in German?—
l
AntjfaschistischeAktion . Young punks today still invite me to the concerts
of anarcho-punk bands. The last one was yesterday—there was also an
Israeli group—but the Czechs were faster. And that's good! (Interview
with Pippo, Olomouc, 3 May 2016)
Our main respondent is still politically active and, at least in
one case, was also able to join his political activities with Czech
anarcho-punk:
I was the coordinator of cultural activities in my city district. I initiated
in 2007 a project entitled 'Together Against Racism'. Part of
this project was also a performance by three H C bands from Czech
Republic: Le Laple, Red Insect, and Cunnilingus, from the Western
Bohemian town of Rakovník. It was funny to find myself, an old former
hardcore singer in a tie, in the position of being able to give material
support to some young Czech punk. (Interview with Pippo, Prague,
4 March 2018)
CONCLUSIONS
This, like so many individual interviews, offers us a wide range
73
of individual stories helpful both in the reconstruction of the
spread of punk in the Czech Republic and in the reconstruction of
Central-European autonomism.
The transfer of ideas survives the lives and attitudes of individuals.2
1
The transmission of the lyrics of H C political punk songs
is reminiscent of the transmission of medieval manuscripts.2 2
A l though
it is possible to admit to a common matrix in youth revolts,
the ways in which these are expressed follow diffusion centres located,
for now, in the Western world. As things stand, the Internet
has merely created a strong time acceleration end, at least in this
case, no kind of paradigm shift in the transmission process itself.
21 In Italy, it is a well known phrase attributed to the and-Mafia judge Giovanni
Falcone, who was killed in Sicily in 1992. Falcone's statement 'Men pass, ideas
remain. Their moral tensions remain and continue to walk on the legs of other
men', although expressed in another context, is well suited to our history.
22 An erudite example is Paul Mass' metaphor for philological research (Maas
1958: 20):
A river comes from an inaccessible source under the peak of a high mountain.
It divides underground, its branches divide further, and some of these branches
then come to the surface on the mountain side as springs; the water of
these springs at once drains away and may come to the surface at several places
further down the mountain side, finally flowing onward in visible forms overground.
The water from its source onwards is of ever-changing but fine and
pure colours. In its subterranean course it flows past several places at which
colourants matters from time to time dissolve into the water; the same thing
happens every time the stream divides and every time it comes to the surface
in the spring. Every influx changes the colour of a certain part of the stream,
and this part keeps its colour permanently; only very slight colour changes are
eliminated by natural processes.
74
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Contributors
Martina Čichá is an anthropologist and educator. She is the head
of the Department of Anthropology and Health Education at
the Faculty of Education of Palacký University in Olomouc.
She was awarded her master's degree in teaching professional
courses for nursing schools at the Faculty of Education of
Palacký University in Olomouc—Czech Republic. In 2004, she
earned her P h D in anthropology, and in 2007, she became an
associate professor in pedagogy.
Ondřej Daniel earned his PhD from the Institute of World History
(Faculty of Arts) at Charles University in Prague in 2012, having
specialized in post-socialism, nationalism, migration, and popular
culture. He has published over 25 academic articles and book
chapters in Czech, English, French, and Polish on the cultural
impact of labour migration, minority issues, and subcultures.
His dissertation was published under the title RockorTurbofolk: The
Imagination ofMigrantsfromthe FormerYugoslavia (2013). In 2016, he
published the monograph Násilímprotinovému biedermeieru (Behind
the Doors of the New Biedermeier), which collected his writing
on subcultures and violence surrounding the development of
Czech post-socialist mainstream culture. Together with Tomáš
Kavka and Jakub Machek, he co-edited the monograph Popular
Culture and Subcultures ofCzech Post-Socialism: Listening to the Wind of
Change, published in 2016.
Jan Charvát is an assistant professor at the Department of Political
Science at the Institute of Political Studies in the Faculty of
Social Sciences, Charles University, and at the same time he also
works at the Department of Political Science and Philosophy at
the Jan Evangelista Purkyně University in Ustí nad Labem. He
is the author of the book Současnýpolitický extremismus a radikalismus
(Current Political Extremism and Radicalism, 2007, Portal) and
co-author and editor of the book Mikrofonje naše bomba: Politika a
hudebnísubkultury mládeže (The Microphone is Our Bomb: Politics
and Youth Music Subcultures, 2018, Togga). His main profession-
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al interest includes political extremism, especially the current far
right, social pathology, and political subcultures.
Marta Kolářová works as a senior researcher at the Institute of
Sociology of the Czech Academy of Sciences. Her research interests
include social movements, subcultures, and lifestyles in
global and local contexts. She has published on the alter-globalization
movement (for instance in the Feminist Review and
the Czech Sociological Review), she is the author of the book
Protest proti giobalizaci (Protest against Globalization, 2009) and
edited the volume entitled Revolta Stylem: Hudební subkultury mládeže
v ČeskéRepublice (Revolt by Style: Youth Music Subcultures in the
Czech Republic, 2011). Currently she focuses on the study of
eco-(counter)culture and sustainable lifestyles.
Giuseppe Maiello is an anthropologist and associate professor at
the University of Finance and Administration in Prague—Czech
Republic. He is the author and co-author of four monographs
and more than 50 studies, published as chapters in monographs,
articles, and reviews in scientific journals or conference proceedings.
During the years 1982-83 he was the lead vocalist of the
Italian punk rock band Underage.
Diana Elen Neaga is a lecturer in Political Science, Nicolae Titulescu
University, Bucharest. Her interests revolve around women's
everyday citizenship and gender-oriented public policies. She
authored Gen si cetátenie in Romania, a book on Gender and Citizenship
in Romania in 2013 and in 2015 with Laura Griinberg,
Orasul (non)sexist, The (Non)Sexist City.
Valentin Quintus Nicolescu, of the National School of Political
and Administrative Studies, Bucharest. His research focuses on
collective identities, ideological discourses in everyday life, and
radical social movements. He authored several text on the Romanian
genesis of national identity (2014), nation and nationalism's
methodology (2016,2017), and coordinated a research on
grassroots civic protests in February 2017.
Anna Oravcová earned her PhD at the Department of Sociology,
Faculty of Social Sciences at Charles University in Prague.
She obtained her master's degree in Gender Studies at the
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Faculty of Humanities. In her research, she focuses on hiphop
culture and rap music, their appropriation in the Czech
Republic, and discourses of authenticity. She published 4 book
chapters on the topic, the most recent one in an edited volume
Hip Hop at Europe's Edge (Indiana University Press). She also organizes
hip-hop events and hosts a radio show on Prague's station
Radio Spin 96.2.
Grzegorz Piotrowski studied ethnology and cultural anthropology
and philosophy in the framework of Interdisciplinary Individual
Studies in the Humanities at the Adam Mickiewicz University
in Poznan. He defended his PhD thesis 'Alterglobalists
in Postsocialism: A Study of Central Eastern European Activists'
in 2011 at the European University Institute in Florence. Since
then he worked at Sodertorn University in Sweden on a number
of research projects and currently continues with a project
on anti-racist mobilizations in the countries surrounding Baltic
Sea Region. Grzegorz was a fellow of Volkswagen Stiftung (Budapest)
and Erinnerung, Verantwortung und Zukunft (Berlin).
He is now working at the European Solidarity Center as well as
in the Institute of Sociology, University of Gdansk, Poland. For
years, he has been tackling issues of civil society and the radical
transformation of political and grassroots social movements.
He writes about alter-globalists, anarchists, and squatters.
Michaela Pixova is a human geographer engaging in research,
writing, teaching, and activism. She earned her PhD at the Department
of Social Geography and Regional Development,
Faculty of Science at Charles University Her contribution
to this book was written as part of her membership at U N C E
204007—Centre for the Research of Collective Memory, during
her postdoctoral work at the Department of Sociology, Faculty
of Social Sciences at Charles University Her professional as well
as personal interests span across a wide range of socio-spatial
themes, particularly those centring around urban space and urban
life. Her research focuses on the following topics: alternative
spaces and alternative cultures in cities; urban social movements
and citizen participation; housing, social segregation,
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and the "right to the city" concept; and restructuring of post-socialist
cities and their planning, development, governance, and
policies. Most of her research activities are based in Prague and
other Czech cities.
Ondřej Slačalek is an assistant professor at the Department of
Political Science in the Faculty of Arts, Charles University in
Prague. He is the co-author of the book Anarchismus: Svobodaproti
mod (Anarchism: Freedom against Power, 2007, Vyšehrad). His
main research interests include social movements, radical history
and national identities.
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